The Alfonsi'ns and Menem look for the recovery of the power

The radical will be armed outside the Senate; it bids up it of the Peronist

Raul Alfonsi'n and Carlos Menem, both ex- more influential presidents from the democratic restoration, are returning. Alfonsi'n also? Whenever the ex- radical agent chief executive goes away of some in favor place or institutional he makes in order recover forces and return to the policy. Its good bye is always temp.

Menem usually says that that aspires to the presidency it must be first president of itself; this is, to have confidence in its own destiny beyond the difficulties of the present. It fulfilled that premise again when it sent his present candidacy without by ricochet considering the high indices in vast social sectors.

Some things unite to both leaders: both they have problems with the measurements of public opinion, but both they have decided not to resign to the policy. Or, said of another way, they will not leave the search of the power.

There is another parallelism among them and one talks about the clarity with whom they raise his positions, are these shared or no. Alfonsi'n has said that its party must accompany to the government of Eduardo Duhalde until the aim of its mandate and two radical ministers (the one of Defense and the one of Justice) integrate the present government.

The fundamental confrontation of Alfonsi'n with Rodolfo Terragno and Federico Storani is because these prefer to be more distanced of the government of Duhalde. They adduce that the governing coalition could take to the UCR the thinner electoral harvest of its history.

"he is competing or he is pro-government. I have never said nor or under ", it talks back Alfonsi'n. While their two internal opponents aspire to warm up the electoral motors quickly, the ex- president wants to stretch the times before inexorable Sunday arrives from elections.

The Senate is a cage for Alfonsi'n. In another vocation that only the joint party with Menem, the ex- radical agent chief executive is arranged to cross the rear area, to put in committees crummy and to spend hours talking with moved away leaders of the main urban centers of Argentina. Most of the political leaders trajines detests those. Alfonsi'n always reconstructed with that militancy their in favor leadership.

He has, nevertheless, a remarkable discrepancy among them and as opposed to refers to the attitude the public fight. Without a doubt, one of the reasons of the resignation of Alfonsi'n to the Senate was the conviction of which some radical senators - and nonradical others stick him to him to obtain that the political reflectors illuminate them. One gets annoyed with Terragno, Vilma Ibarra and Cristina Kirchner.

Menem, however, not only accepts the public pugilato, but that summons it. From Adolph Rodriguez Saá to Elisa Carrió, it has not left a single contender without retort. It knows that the brilliances of the fight push it the scene. The own attitude of caution of Menem as opposed to Duhalde is more product of its internal necessity within the PJ that of its spirit. But the moment, will arrive more soon than late, at which it will leave to confront with the present president, who is what it really likes.

In the internal one of the PJ, Menem has, like Alfonsi'n, a clear message. In contrast with an evident lack of proposals towards the future, the ex- Peronist president handles to four or five ideas (alignment with the United States, dolarización, regionalización of the country and diminution to one fourth part of the number of national legislators) with which insists without giving high accuracy.

Those projects, between as much deficiency of ideas, explain perhaps the improvement that Menem experimented in last surveys. It must be recognized, also, that Menem and the Rodriguez Saá are the only Peronist candidates sent to the electoral campaign.

The most dangerous adversary of both is the governor of Santa Fe, Carlos Reutemann, but he is it mainly of Menem. Reutemann, that has still not been decided to fight by the presidential power, has the same ideological characteristics of Menem and summons the same confidence of important sectors of being able economic and international.

Reutemann is for Menem which Terragno could mean for Alfonsi'n; the ghost of the relief is, always, a phantom very detested by the political heads.

Yet, Duhalde is the center of the greater divergence between Menem and Alfonsi'n. The ex- radical president prefers to preserve the transition government, because at heart he agrees with the planteos economic of Duhalde and their renuencias to accept the international pressures easily.

Menem is forced to preserve the government of Duhalde. It has received a mandate of the common sense that they interpret the governors of the PJ: "they are not fought more", have requested to them. The provincial leaders demanded to Menem another gesture to him: they want that any political solution includes a honorable exit for Duhalde.

More than by human sensitivity, one is electoral tactics. For them, Duhalde is the only Buenosairean leader who could abroquelar in a single position to all the Peronism of the province of Buenos Aires. "If it depends on me, it will have a silver bridge", has promised Menem. Alfonsi'n left the Senate to do something very similar in the radicalismo: to contain and to weave so that the radicals do not go away behind Carrió or of Ricardo Lopez Murphy. The power like objective, although understood of different way, is what it is impelling to both.